The National Congress commences

THE MONTHS LEADING leading up to today’s opening of the Chinese Communist Party’s 18th National Congress have been filled with uncertainty, anticipation and suspense. Moreover, at November 8th, this year’s Congress arrived at an unusually late date.

But the 2,270 delegates who gathered for the meeting in Beijing’s imposing Great Hall of the People were asked to wait just one moment-of-silence longer before getting down to business. This was so that heads might be bowed and respects paid to some dear, departed Communist leaders of the past. These included Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. Verily, they are gone but not forgotten.

The opening session of the Congress highlighted another important fact about elite-level Chinese politics and those past leaders who are still alive and kicking. They have not been forgotten either, and indeed they are not really even gone. Appearing at the dais with the outgoing party chief, Hu Jintao, the incoming chief, Xi Jinping, and other top leaders of the present tense, was an all-star cast of political characters from decades past.

To this old baseball fan, it felt a lot like watching Old Timer’s Day at Yankee Stadium. Mr Hu’s predecessor, Jiang Zemin, was there occupying a centre seat of honour. Nearby was a former premier, Zhu Rongji, a former vice-president, Zeng Qinghong, as well as such old heavy hitters as Li Ruihuan, Li Lanqing and Deng Xiaoping’s son, Deng Pufang.

Attending also—in a Mao suit—was the 95-year-old Song Ping, a revolutionary leader who left the Politburo Standing Committee in 1992 but spent his Thursday morning following along with the printed text as Mr Hu delivered his swan-song speech. Mr Song would have been hearing very little that was new to his ears.

Speaking for more than 90 minutes, Mr Hu laid out a familiar account of the challenges facing China, and of the party’s plans for addressing them. He spoke especially sharply about the danger of corruption, warning that it could cause the collapse of the party and the fall of the state. But this was not new either. It was already old hat more than 12 years ago, when both Mr Jiang and Mr Zhu were prone to speak in equally apocalyptic terms about corruption.

Perhaps to liven things up, Mr Hu added some applause lines about China’s resolute determination to assert its maritime interests. This Congress comes at a time when the country is embroiled in multiple maritime disputes with its neighbours.

Meanwhile, with the homage paid to Mao’s cohort and the presence of all those elders, the party’s leaders sought to send two distinct but related messages. The first was that, despite the breathtaking changes that have taken place in Chinese society and economic life, and its sharp turn away from Maoism, collectivism and state-planned orthodoxy, the party wants to be able to assert a degree of continuity with the nation’s founding principles. To do this, Mr Hu’s speech traced a web of convoluted lines that wound back from his own theoretical musings about “Scientific Development” to Mr Jiang’s version of the same (about something called “the Three Represents”; don’t ask). From there the thread runs further back still, through Deng Xiaoping Theory to Mao Zedong Thought, and then all the way to Lenin and Marx. So there you have it: dizzying policy reversals notwithstanding, the party offers consistency, continuity and stability.

At a time when political scandals and signs of high-level infighting have been plain for all to see, the presence of the elders was likewise meant to project a sense of unity, continuity and stability. On the surface, it may have done that. But behind the scenes the old-timers appear to be doing as much to stoke the infighting as to cool it, as accounts here and here suggest.

If nothing else, their cameos offered a rare chance to see how they’ve been getting on. Mr Zhu stood out for his contrarian reluctance to dye his hair jet-black, as most Chinese politicians do. Mr Jiang looked surprisingly well, considering he suffered a serious health crisis early this year. Discreet sources are saying that he made an excellent recovery and even manages a vigorous swim most days. Thursday he managed to walk on his own, to and from his seat. Standing as other leaders entered the chamber, Mr Jiang cheerfully waved away Mr Hu’s suggestion that he take a seat.

Li Peng, best remembered as the hardline premier during the crackdown around Tiananmen Square in 1989, was seated next to Li Ruihuan, and together they seemed far more interested than anyone else in the text of Mr Hu’s speech. Most others followed the remarks as they were delivered (and took part in a traditional, simultaneous turning of pages, which always creates a wonderful swooshing sound in the Great Hall’s cavernous meeting space). But the Messrs Li flipped frontwards and backwards constantly through their copies, leaning down, poring over the text, and looking as if they might have been seeing it for the first time.

全國代表大會開始

幾個月導致今天開幕的中國共產黨第18屆全國代表大會已經充滿了不確定性，期待和懸念。此外，在今年的11月8日，國會在一個不同尋常的晚抵達。

但2,270名代表聚集在北京氣勢宏偉的人民大會堂會議要求，只是一個瞬間的沉默等待更長的時間才能正事。這使頭可能拜倒支付一定親愛方面的，離開了過去的共產黨領導人。其中包括毛澤東，周恩來，劉少奇和鄧小平。誠然，他們都走了，但並不遺忘。

大會的開幕式上強調精英級的中國政治和那些過去的領導人仍然活蹦亂跳的另一個重要的事實。他們沒有被忘記，事實上，他們是不是真的甚至消失。出現在講台上，即將離任的黨委書記，胡錦濤，新任政務，習近平和其他高層領導人目前的緊張，從過去幾十年的政治人物全明星陣容。

這個老棒球迷，感受到了很多喜歡看老定時器日在洋基球場。胡錦濤的前任江澤民，在那裡佔據了中心上座。附近是前副總統，前總理，朱鎔基，曾慶紅，以及諸如老重量級李瑞環，李嵐清和鄧小平的兒子鄧樸方。

也參加一個中山裝是95歲的宋平，革命領袖，誰離開了中央政治局常委於1992年，但他週四早上跟隨著印刷文字，胡錦濤發表了他的天鵝歌語音。宋先生已經聽到非常小的，這是對他的耳朵。

發言超過90分鐘後，胡錦濤主席闡述了中國面臨的挑戰，一個熟悉的帳戶，並為解決這些黨的計劃。他談到腐敗的危險，尤其是大幅警告說，它可能會導致崩潰的黨和下降的狀態。但是，這並不是新的。這已經是舊帽子超過12年前，當江先生和朱先生很容易講在同樣世界末日條款對腐敗。

也許是為了助興，胡先生補充一些掌聲行對中國的堅定決心，以維護其海上利益。本次大會的時候，該國與鄰國捲入多個海事糾紛。

同時，隨著毛澤東的隊列和在場的所有的長者的敬意，黨的領導人試圖發送兩個不同但相關的消息。首先是認為，儘管了驚人的變化，已採取的地方在中國的社會和經濟生活中，和其尖銳反過來遠離毛澤東思想，集體主義和國家計劃的正統，黨希望能夠斷言一定程度的連續性與國家的建國原則。要做到這一點，胡錦濤主席的講話，描繪著錯綜複雜的網線繞回來從他自己的理論思索關於“科學發展觀”蔣先生的版本相同（關於所謂“三個代表”不要問為什麼）。從那裡進一步線程運行靜止，通過毛澤東思想鄧小平理論，然後一路列寧和馬克思。所以你有它：儘管有令人目不暇接的政策逆轉，黨提供一致性，連續性和穩定性。

當著長老的政治醜聞和高層內鬥的跡象的時候，平原已經讓所有人都看到，同樣是投射感的統一，連續性和穩定性。從表面上看，它可能有這樣做的。但幕後的老前輩似乎是做盡可能多的斯托克內訌冷卻，帳戶在這裡，在這裡建議。

如果不出意外，他們的客串提供了一個難得的機會，看他們如何得到。朱先生脫穎而出他逆勢不願意到他的頭髮染成烏黑，大多數中國政治家一樣。蔣先生顯得出奇地好，考慮到今年年初，他遭受了嚴重的健康危機。婚外來源說，他作出了一個極好的恢復，甚至一場轟轟烈烈的游泳管理大多數日子。週四，他自己走路，並從他的座位。人大常委會等領導走進房間，蔣先生樂呵呵地揮揮手走胡先生的建議，他坐。

李鵬，最好記住作為強硬派總理在1989年鎮壓天安門廣場周圍，李瑞環坐在旁邊，和他們一起比誰主席胡錦濤的講話在文本似乎更感興趣。大多數人遵循的言論，因為他們交付（和參加在頁面轉動傳統，同時，它總是創建一個精彩的旋弧形的聲音在人民大會堂的海綿狀的會議空間）。但李先生朝前翻轉向後不斷通過自己的副本，俯身下來，鑽研文本，並尋找，彷彿他們可能已經看到它的第一次。