| Wojciech Jaruzelski 沃依切赫·耶鲁泽尔斯基 Wojciech Jaruzelski, a communist general and military ruler of Poland, died on May 25th, aged 90 沃依切赫·耶鲁泽尔斯基，共产党的将军，波兰的军事统治者，逝于5月25日，终年90岁 Jun 14th 2014 | From the print edition  LIES and fear can have a strange effect on people. Wojciech Jaruzelski grew up pious and patriotic, in a minor aristocratic family in provincial pre-war Poland. The country had just re-emerged from long years of foreign rule, in which the Russians had been the hardest of masters. In his childhood, he wrote later, he believed that they, and especially the Bolsheviks, “embodied all possible evils.” Yet he was to spend his life in their service. 谎言和恐惧能够对人产生一种奇怪的影响。沃依切赫·耶鲁泽尔斯基是在战前波兰一个虔诚爱国的乡下小贵族家庭中长大的。当时，这个国家刚刚从多年的外国统治中获的再生。在这些外国统治者中，最苛刻的主人是俄国人。他后来写道，他在童年时代曾相信，在这些外国统治者身上，尤其是在布尔什维克身上，“体现着所有能够想象的到的人类之恶。”不过，他注定要把自己的一生用在为这些人服务上面。 The turning point came after his “socially dangerous” family was deported, like so much of the Polish elite, to the depths of the Soviet Union, where those who were not shot were given another death sentence: as slave labourers. His father died there. But the teenager was saved by Hitler's fatal error in the summer of 1941, when he attacked his ally Stalin. 转折点出现在他那“对社会有害的”家庭，像众多的波兰精英一样被流放到苏联腹地之后。在那里，凡是没有被枪杀的人都被给与了另一种死刑——劳改营苦力。他的父亲死在了那里。但是，这位少年却被希特勒在1941年夏天所犯下的致命错误——攻击他的盟友斯大林——给救了。 Reluctantly, the Soviet authorities allowed the Poles to muster. One army, of ardent anti-communists, left to fight with the Western allies. The other, under a turncoat Polish general, marched alongside the Red Army. It was in their ranks that the young officer—through eyes permanently weakened by the glare of sun on snow—saw the ruins of Warsaw, shattered after an uprising in which the Soviets abetted the German destruction. Not only the buildings were broken: so too, he wrote later, was his religious faith, and his belief in Poland's future as an independent country. 苏联当局勉强允许波兰人集结队伍。一支由热情的反共产主义者组成的军队被留下来同西方盟军一起作战。另一支军队，在一位叛变的波兰将军的指挥下，同苏联红军一同前进。正是在这支队伍中，这位年轻的军官，透过他那双视力已被雪地阳光永久消弱了的眼睛，看到了华沙城废墟 。他后来写道，被打碎的除了建筑物之外，还有他的宗教信仰，以及他对波兰作为一个独立国家的未来的信心。 Many in those days saw communism as herald of a bright future, free of the greed, nationalism and superstition of the past. The young Jaruzelski embraced the new creed wholeheartedly, hunting down anti-communist resistance fighters (including heroes of the war against Hitler). Though details remain scant, many counted his role in that as his blackest crime. 在那段日子里，许多人都把共产主义看作是光明未来的先驱——它摆脱了过去的贪婪、民族主义和愚昧。年轻的雅鲁泽尔斯基全身心地拥抱了这种新的信仰，搜捕反对共产主义的抵抗战士（其中也包括抗击希特勒的战争英雄）。尽管细节依旧缺乏，仍有许多人把他在这段时期内的角色看作是他的最黑暗的罪行。 But there were others. In 1968 he became defence minister, benefiting from a purge of Jewish comrades. He led the Polish contribution to the Soviet Union's invasion of Czechoslovakia in that year, crushing the hopes of those who yearned for a human face to socialism. In 1970 his troops shot dozens of striking shipyard workers in the northern cities of Gdansk and Gdynia. He claimed he had opposed the operation—and pledged that he would never again allow the military to be used against Polish civilians. 但是，这不是他仅有的罪行。1968年，得益于对犹太同志的清洗，他当上了国防部长。那一年，他领导下的波兰为苏联入侵捷克斯洛伐克立做出了贡献，碾碎了渴望用人道主义面对社会主义的人们的希望。1970年，他的军队在北部城市格但斯克和格丁尼亚射杀了数十位正在游行的码头工人。他声称自己曾经反对过这次行动，并且发誓说再也不会允许军队被用来对付波兰平民。 If so, it was a promise he was to break a decade later, amid the extraordinary flowering of the Solidarity opposition movement, which for 15 magical months gave Poles a taste of freedom. In December 1981—fearing, he claimed, that a Soviet invasion was imminent—he imposed martial law. Thousands were jailed without trial. Scores were killed. Yet the real victim was communism itself: People's Poland was a workers’ state that survived only by killing trade unionists; where the proletariat despised their tribunes, while revering the Catholic church. 如果真得如此，那么这就是一个注定要被他在十年后违背的诺言。当时，已经持续了15个月的团结工会反抗运动正处于巅峰，而波兰人也因为这场运动尝到了自由的滋味。1981年12月，他下令实施军事管制法。据他自己说，他之所以这样做是担心苏联会立即入侵波兰。数千人未经审判就被关入监狱，几十人被射杀。然而，真正的受害者是共产主义自身。因为，那时的波兰人民共和国是一个只能通过杀害工会会员才能生存下去的工人国家。在这个国家中，无产阶级在对他们的军事领导人表示蔑视的同时，却对天主教教会尊崇有加。 Poland in the Jaruzelski years was not a full dictatorship. The Solidarity leader Adam Michnik termed it: “totalitarianism with some teeth knocked out”. Detainees were soon released. The general tried some economic reforms, claiming to be the first communist leader to spot Mikhail Gorbachev's significance. He even, unprecedently, had four secret policemen put on trial for the murder of a Catholic priest, Father Jerzy Popieluszko. Then, after strikes again swept Poland in 1988, he took the great step of opening “Round Table” talks with the leadership of the—still technically illegal—opposition. The talks and the free elections which followed (in which the communists were routed) were a defining moment in the collapse of Soviet power in Europe: bringing freedom not only to Poles but to many millions of others. 雅鲁泽尔斯基时代的波兰不是一个完全的独裁政体。用当时的团结工会领导人亚当·米奇尼克的话说，这是一种“部分牙齿已被敲掉的集权主义”。不久之后，被抓之人获释。这位将军尝试了一些经济改革，自称是第一位发现戈尔巴乔夫之重要性的共产党领导人。他甚至还出人意料地以谋杀天主教神父泽西·波皮鲁茨兹的罪名，将四名秘密警察送上了审判台。随后，在罢工于1988年再次席卷波兰后，他迈出了巨大的一步，同当时在法律上来说还是非法的反对派领导层进行公开的“圆桌会谈”。这些会谈以及随后的自由选举（在这场选举中，共产主义者被击败）是一个苏联势力在欧洲土崩瓦解的决定性时刻。它们不仅给波兰人，而且还给其他数千万人带来了自由。 The general was briefly head of state of a free country, before giving way to his nemesis, the much-jailed Solidarity leader Lech Walesa. His last speech as president contained an apology—though for what precisely was unclear. Later, he termed martial law “a nightmare”: the “great burden” of his life. 这位将军曾短暂地领导过这个自由国家的政府。之后，他让位于对手——曾被长时间监禁的团结工会领导人莱赫·瓦文萨。他以总统身份所作的最后一篇演讲包括了一个道歉——尽管道歉的确切对象不清楚。之后，他曾把军事管制称为一场噩梦，一个他终生的“巨大负担”。 To his defenders he epitomised pragmatism, not villainy. Impossible choices bring impossible burdens; he served his country in the best way he could—not by futile resistance, but by doing what had to be done to keep the imperial master happy. In his words: “I served the Poland that existed.” His redemption was in negotiating a dignified end of communist rule, which allowed Poland to join the West. 对他的捍卫者来说，他是以一个实用主义者，不是十恶不赦恶人。痛苦的选择带来的是痛苦的负担；他已经用自己能够做到的最好方式——不是用毫无意义的抵抗，而是用必须让其帝国主子保持快乐的行为——服务了他的国家。用他自己的话说：“我曾经服务于那个存在过的波兰。”他的救赎就是通过谈判，体面地终结了共产主义的统治，从而波兰得以加入西方。 A Polish Requiem 波兰的安魂曲 To his critics, that is beside the point. Others risked and lost their lives to fight communism and speed its end, not blunt its edges. Even the peaceful surrender in 1989 has its detractors: Poland never really had a full reckoning with its overlords, the argument goes. They re-emerged besuited from the shadows, using plundered money and old networks to dominate the new order, just as they had the old. 对于他的批评者来说，这不是问题之所在。其他人或是曾经冒着失去生命的危险，或是已经失去了生命，为的就是同共产主义战斗并加速它的灭亡，而不是仅仅使其失去锋芒。即便是1989年的和平交权也有其批评者。他们认为，波兰从未真正地同其主子进行彻底的清算。这些人已经从阴暗之处再次现身，利用掠夺来的钱财和过去的关系网，像以前那样主宰新秩序。 Even his fiercest foes did not accuse the stiff, formal old man of personal greed (though they laughed when earlier this year he was caught in flagrante with a nurse, prompting fury from his wife of over 50 years). They did try to nail him for past crimes, but he dodged trial, claiming ill-health. Perhaps the deeper ailments were elsewhere: in a national psyche still wrestling with a past in which—like the general—Poles were made both perpetrators and victims. 甚至是最激烈的对手也没有指责这位呆板僵化的老人的个人贪心（尽管他们在今年早些时候在他被爆同一位护士调情而招致与其结婚超过50年的妻子暴怒后曾经嘲笑过他）。虽然他们确曾试图以过去的罪行给他定罪，但是他躲过了审判，声称自己健康状况不佳。也许，更深层次的病是在其他地方：就如同这位将军一样，在那个仍然纠结于过去的国民心理中，而这个过去就是波兰人被迫成为既是受害者也是加害者的那段时期。 From the print edition: Obituary 【译注】本文仅供英语学习使用，不代表译者的立场。 |
Remark:谎言和恐惧能够对人产生一种奇怪的影响。沃依切赫·耶鲁泽尔斯基是在战前波兰一个虔诚爱国的乡下小贵族家庭中长大的。他后来写道，他在童年时代曾相信，在这些外国统治者身上，尤其是在布尔什维克身上，“体现着所有能够想象的到的人类之恶。”不过，他注定要把自己的一生用在为这些人服务上面
2.在那段日子里，许多人都把共产主义看作是光明未来的先驱——它摆脱了过去的贪婪、民族主义和愚昧。年轻的雅鲁泽尔斯基全身心地拥抱了这种新的信仰，搜捕反对共产主义的抵抗战士（其中也包括抗击希特勒的战争英雄）。尽管细节依旧缺乏，仍有许多人把他在这段时期内的角色看作是他的最黑暗的罪行
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